Whats Your Impression Essays - United States Intelligence Agencies

What's Your Impression? Cameron Culliver CRJ 311: Forensics Gary Naylor 6/28/17 In 1985, Enrique Camarena, a United States Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) special agent Enrique Camarena, and a DEA source, Captain Zavala, were abducted in Mexico. This particular case involved peculiar forensic issues that necessitated abnormal solutions. The case generated one of the largest investigations by the DEA. On February 7, 1985, the two men were abducted. Eventually, their partly decomposed bodies were found and then autopsies were performed at morgues in Guadalajara. The two slightly decomposed bodies had been wrapped in plastic bags before they were found, and prior to arriving at the morgue, hair and blood samples were extracted from the victims' bodies. The forensics team removed what evidence they possibly could such as soil samples from the body's location that varied from that on the bodies. Forensics issues arose from contamination of crime scenes and evidence destruction encountered during the forensic analyses. The United States law enforcement personnel was resisted and denied accessibility to evidence for a while. Subsequent investigation efforts by a FBI forensic team were hindered by Mexican local officials causing bureaucratic delays. This made it evident that particular Mexican police officials had been paid off to obstruct the process and shut down the investigation prematurely. The FBI was finally granted access to the crime scene site, however, the amount of contamination was excessive due to constant foot traffic at the scene. The scene was left unsecured so law enforcement officials and random visitors from the public population were able to navigate through and touch whatever they wanted. The FBI was restricted in its search and only provided a minimal soil sample. After finally being granted access to where the bodies were kept several days later, the FBI found the unit cleaned the out with evidence removed. The search of the grounds by the FBI forensic team did ultimately yield a license plate in a drain which it photographed and also gathered evidence near the scene. After the police determined a suspect, they were able to also get a vehicle and search it. "The FBI forensic team processed the vehicle for any hair, fiber, blood, and/or fingerprint evidence it might contain" (Saferstein, 2011). Numerous buildings were found once officials were able to search the residence and the holding place of the bodies was determined to be a room in a smaller building. The door of the single room was reinforced with steel and iron. Evidence from forensics and testimony provided determination that Camerena was held and tortured in this room (Saferstein, 2011). Burial sheets, pillowcases, and rope were pieces of significant evidence discovered at the crime scene as well as unsoiled rope from the victims' bodies. Hair samples were extracted from the suspects and tested against samples removed from the victims. There were also carpet fibers which matched carpet in the suspects' house. The litany of errors weren't the fault of one source alone but others of a group or groups involved in attempted cover-up of criminal activity. Ignorance of proper procedure also played a part. Mistake number one stemmed from the crime scene not being secured initially; this led to contamination of the scene. Nothing was documented or recorded. The FBI was not able to start its process in a timely manner after being notified. Presumption could be made that the FBI did not act fast enough or it did not get the necessary paperwork to start its response initially. The initial search was conducted after discovery of evidence rather than law enforcement personnel prompting the search. The complications were overcome by use of unconventional methods and tactical bypassing of specific routine proceedings. Eventually, the complications were negated and virtually all evidence presented at trial factored heavily into the outcome. The trial, which lasted eight weeks, was carried out beneath tight security, and hundreds of witnesses. Each defendant was ultimately convicted on every count as they were found guilty and sentenced to lengthy sentences. In conclusion, the case of Enrique Camarena and Captain Zavala yielded a little amount of evidence. Yet, this was sufficient enough for criminal conviction. Bribery, criminal activity, and mistakes all played a part in this case. Inadequate searches were conducted, and the Mexican government would not divulge most information it had. The fact that it took nearly three years and innumerable searches to ultimately bring the killers to justice is unimaginable. In my mind, immediate notification to the FBI could have eliminated a lot of mistakes which were made. The FBI was limited based on the lack of information it received, but it did the best it could based on

Lamassu essays

Lamassu essays Lamassu is an Neo-Assyrian Akkadian term used to designate a composite creature, conceived of as a winged lion- or bull-figure with a human head. As protective deities or genii, larger than life-size statue-blocks of lamassi (pl.) were placed on either side of late Assyrian palace doorways and entrances in order to guard against the entry of evil and chaotic forces. As such, they are characteristic of this late phase in the development of Assyrian art (Neo- or Late Assyrian) when sculpture in the round was otherwise rare, compared to earlier periods. Lamassi in sculptural form are usually depicted as "double-aspect" figures, apparently possessing five (5) separate legs (when viewed from an oblique angle). This allows for two simultaneous depictions: 1. standing guard, when viewed from the front; 2. striding forward, when viewed from the side. The hybrid or composite iconography is powerfully evocative of strength (body of lion bull), speed (an eagle's wings) and intelligence (human head). Each monolithic colussus was carved partly in relief and partly in the round from a single block of stone, measuring up to 5.50 m2 in size. Initially carved roughly in the quarry, each statue-block was transported to its final location (often by river), where it would be set in place and be subjected to fine carving. The Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art covers both a lengthy chronological span and a vast geographical area. The collection of more than seven thousand works of art ranges in date from 8000 B.C. (the Neolithic period) to the Arab conquest and rise of Islam beginning in A.D. 651. The works come from ancient Mesopotamia, Iran, Syria, Anatolia, and other lands in the region that extends from the Black and Caspian Seas in the north to the southwestern Arabian peninsula, and from western Turkey on the Mediterranean Sea to the Indus River Valley in modern-day Pakistan and India. Societies throughout the ancient Near East mai ...

Potencial investors Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Potencial investors - Assignment Example At the input site, there is an installed automatic camera and a point for placing the thumb. It is then connected to a computer, a bell and alarm system at the output. The input system is placed outside the gate. The system will enhance security in that when one place his/her thumb at the input system, the automatic camera records the image and the fingerprints. The image of the person at the gate can then remain transmitted to the computer located in either the house or the security personnel office. In case the bio-data is of the family member, the computer controlled bell system automatically rings. However, in case the bio-data is for a non-family member, there is activation of the alarm system to alert the family member of the presence of a stranger in the gate. The concerned member can then alert the security through contacts available in the system in case the stranger raises suspicion. The whole process of developing the idea to certification by the national Security Council requires an estimate of 400, 000 US dollars whereas the advertisement and testing fee will cost another 150,000 US dollars. The cost of installation to the first 500 customers will cost an estimate of 100,000 US dollars. The business idea therefore requires a total of approximately 700,000 US dollars to start. The business has a prospect of engaging the federal government in case of success, making huge profits to the investors. With the ease of availability of the computers, the company will develop the software, the alarm and bell system. The company will as well attract investors from the National Security Council who will partly help in the development of the system and sell the idea to the government more easily. I interviewed three prominent potential ICT investors including Miller Collen, Pearson Todd, and Sander Preston. The three investors I had contacted and interviewed showed lots of optimism and

EWNJ Graduate Merit Award Program Scholarship Essay

EWNJ Graduate Merit Award Program - Scholarship Essay Example In fact, I am trying a lot to be on my own. Presently, I am doing two jobs for the purpose. I am working both as a Graduate Assistant and as an Accounting Assistant at Montclair State University, NJ. However, as the jobs are not highly paid, it is a bit difficult to meet my financial needs. In fact, I am an outgoing kind of person with good leadership skills. There are a number of activities to add to my credit during my studies. I did my own research paper named Financial IR Responsibility on Social Responsibility, unveiling how recession affected the performance of non-profit organizations and participated in NEBA Conference 2010 in Morristown, and it was appreciated. I am a member of many non-profit organizations too. I was a team leader of the 2011 Liver Walk in NJ, and as a part of the team, I work to raise money for American Liver Foundation. I never leave a chance to help others if possible. I am a member of Polish Student Organization and help Polish students to find suitable schools. I leave no stone unturned in my attempt to achieve my life ambition to have a secure job that is enough to support myself and my family. I am an Accounting Society Member at MSU. Despite my all these efforts and struggle, it has become necessary to look for financial assistance as my income does not seem sufficient to meet my financial needs.

The problem of debt crisis and the concept of its solutions in Mexico Dissertation

The problem of debt crisis and the concept of its solutions in Mexico - Dissertation Example The debt crisis is one of the major concerns of any less developed country or any developing country. Starting from the year 1980, every developing country has gone through the phases of debt crisis. Generally, when there economy was performing well lots of private banks and foreign investors invest money. But, as these countries’ economies were based on mainly one or two sectors, any kind of downfall in the demand of the finished products of those sectors ensures the downfall of their economy. As their economical growth was slowing down continuously, they were facing a monetary crisis. Moreover, as the interest rates started to grow, they have to repay more to the borrowing country/institutions. In the case of Mexico, the same thing was happening. Demand for their manufacturing goods started to slow down with the developing economical crisis in the world. As a result their income from export was affected and hence they were not in opposition to repay their loans. That trigger s the debt crisis. To overcome this situation they have to ask for the intervention of the IMF. The intervention of IMF brings about monetary as well as trade names reformation in the country. As the time goes by, Mexico was able to get rid of the crisis. ... INTRODUCTION In finance debt is referred as the purchasing power of tomorrow, in view of today without earning the same. A debt crisis can be defined as a situation when a country or an institution or an individual is overwhelmed by a huge financial borrowing, which in their present financial condition they are unable to overcome. It can be in terms of real goods or money. In any country it is a situation where the concerned country is not in a position to repay the borrowing they have taken from outside the country (from the World Bank or any private banks) and it is surpassing the earnings of the nation. Generally any country can ask for borrowings by means of long term loans (Commercial Bank), short term loans (Commercial Bank), loans from security market by means of bond and debentures and official grants and loans (low interest rate and high repayment term). In Latin America, the debt crisis of 1980s was due to their official grants and their Long their long term loans from comm ercial banks (Oliveri, 1992). The debt crisis is an issue of major concern for any less developed or developing country. Generally these less developed countries have to borrow money from different leading countries or the private banks or World Bank for their growth and economic sustenance. While giving them these advances the lenders take into consideration the current economic condition of the country, future growth prospects, political stability, inflation etc. But in the due course of time due to several reasons which may be political or may be economical that particular nation may face a situation where they are not in a position to repay the loan within stipulated frame of time. Then that particular country is supposed to be in a debt

The UK Voting System

The UK Voting System Should the United Kingdom general election voting system be reformed in order to give the electorate more choice and accountability, and increase turnout? We will answer the research problem presented in this dissertation in five distinct chapters. In the first chapter we will consider the nature of the problems in the current electoral systems and here we will also offer a general introduction to the dissertation, outlining the structure that will be used in answering the question. In the second chapter we will examine the current UK electoral system in detail, offering arguments for and against the current system. In the third chapter we will address some of the problems of the current system in terms of voter turnout before moving on to present the reforms toward alternative electoral systems currently on the table. In the fourth chapter we will assess the likelihood of the reforms coming into effect and the reluctance of major parties throughout history to accept electoral reform. In the fifth and final section we will offer a summary and conclusion of the evidence and findings presented within this dissertation as well as a brief discussion of the limitations of this study. Methodology The object of this dissertation is to ascertain whether electoral reform in the UK general election voting system would increase accountability, voter choice and voter turnout. In order to answer this question we will conduct an extensive literature review, providing a theoretical framework from which to assess the arguments in favour and against electoral reform. This theoretical framework will be re-enforced by the empirical evidence presented by studies from pressure groups such as the Electoral Reform Society and political scientists engaged in the study of this field. Extensive engagement with the literature of political scientists on electoral reform will provide us with the necessary conceptual dexterity in approaching this research question and the data presented will offer quantifiable yardsticks by which we can accurately measure the extent to which electoral reform would increase each one of the three factors outlined in the question, those of accountability, voter choice and voter turnout. This will allow us to offer a clear conclusion on whether electoral reform is needed in the UK general election voting system based on an appreciation of the scholarship and empirical evidence available in this field. Chapter 1 Introduction to problem The most recent UK general elections have seen the worst voter turnout since the end of the First World War. Whilst there are undoubtedly many reasons for this increase in voter apathy, the electoral system has been highlighted as an important contributory factor in undermining the accountability of representatives and in restricting voter choice. In this dissertation we will examine the current electoral system used at UK general elections and highlight the extent to which it restricts voter choice and hinders accountability. In order to do so it will be vital to clearly define the current electoral system and we will also outline the arguments for and against the present system. We will undertake this task in Chapter 2 and it will be seen that the present system fundamentally undermines the accountability of representatives because of the minimal levels of voter support needed in order to win seats to the House of Commons, often less than 40% of the total vote share. In addition to this, the current system wastes an enormous number of votes, because as soon as the winner is declared using the first-past-the-post system all the votes for other candidates count for nothing. It is clear, therefore that the minimal levels of public support necessary and the enormous number of wasted votes pose a direct challenge to ensuring that MPs are held accountable by their constituents. The current first-past-the-post system also severely restricts voter choice. We will see that the current system is designed to exaggerate the proportion of seats won by the dominant parties, thereby ensuring that the UK electoral system continues to encourage the formation of a two-party political system. Smaller political parties are therefore marginalized under the first-past-the-post system and this has a direct impact upon restricting voter choice. This dissertation we will focus upon measuring the accountability of representatives, the extent of voter choice and levels of voter turnout under different electoral systems. We can clearly measure the effect of different electoral systems upon accountability, voter choice and voter turnout. In this dissertation we will examine the current UK electoral system, the proposed reform by the government to the Alternative Vote (AV) system and the system advocated by electoral reformers, known as the Single Transferable Vote (STV), a system of proportional representation. We will outline the arguments in favour of reform of the current electoral system and directly measure the impact of such systems in other countries, which have moved from first-past-the-post to alternative systems. We will also highlight evidence from the Electoral Reform Society that analyses the 2005 UK general election and offers the election results under the Single Transferable Vote system. This will allow us to cle arly establish whether reform of the current electoral system would offer the electorate more choice and accountability and we will also examine evidence that suggests that such reforms lead to greater voter turnout in other countries. The proposed reforms currently on the table will be analysed in Chapter 3. In Chapter 4 we will examine the extent to which reform of the current electoral system is likely to become reality. We will argue that the switch to the Alternative Vote system is very likely whilst the move towards a system of proportional representation is far less likely. We will also produce an analysis of the reasons why dominant political parties have historically been so reluctant to accept electoral change. In the fifth and final section we will offer a summary and conclusion on the evidence and findings presented in this dissertation and we will argue that the evidence clearly suggests that broad electoral reform is necessary in order to produce greater accountability , voter choice and voter turnout. We will also briefly examine some of the limitations of this study. Chapter 2 The present UK electoral system Under the current electoral voting system general elections are decided using the first-past-the-post system (FPTP) and Members of the House of Commons are elected in single-member constituencies. The first-past-the post system is renown for its simplicity, because under this system voters simply put a cross next to the box of one candidate on their voting forms and the candidate that accrues the most votes wins. Candidates, therefore, are elected by simple majority voting and such a majority constitutes more than half the votes cast in an election. However, under the first-past-the-post system very few candidates ever register more than half the votes cast, because in most cases there are more than two candidates and therefore some have described it as being a furthest-past-the-post rather than a first-past-the-post system. According to this interpretation it is more sensible to think of the post as a starting point rather than a finishing point (Electoral Reform Society). For this reason it is more apt to consider UK general elections to be determined by a relative majority rather than by an absolute majority. Under the FPTP system the highest polling candidate wins and the other votes cast count for nothing. This type of system is referred to as plurality voting and more broadly it falls under into the category of a majoritarian system. One feature of majoritarian systems that has been commonly noted is that they tend to work to the benefit of larger political parties, because larger parties often obtain far more seats than their share of the vote merits. As Heywood points out, majoritarian systems enable larger parties to win a significantly higher proportion of seats than the proportion of votes they gain in the election (Heywood 2000: 199). The result of this is that it increases the chances of a single party gaining a parliamentary majority and being able to govern on its own (Heywood 2000: 199). Let us now move to assess the arguments in favour and against the FPTP system. It has been argued that the first-past-the-post system provides accountability in UK general elections. According to Norton, there has been an assumption amongst many political scientists that elections are solely concerned with choosing a government. However, this view fails to take into account the extent to which UK general elections serve as a means of removing a government from office. In the UK, a government knows that it may be out in the cold after the next election. Consequently, it has to be sensitive to what electors want (Norton 1997: 84). Popper argues that the possibility of a removal from power at any given election is a powerful spur for political parties and that it fosters a self-critical attitude within political leaders that is beneficial for democracy as a whole. A democracy needs parties that are more sensitive and constantly on the alert. Only in this way can they be induced to be se lf-critical (Popper 1988: 28). Those proposing an account in favour of FPTP argue that two-party systems tend to produce single-party governments, which means that firstly voters can express a clear preference for the party of their choice and that secondly, the governing party does not need the support of other parties in order to pass legislation and effectively run the government. Indeed, Duvergers Law states that FPTP produces two-party systems. Duvergers law proposes that the simple-majority single-ballot system favours the two-party system. Duverger described this sentence by saying, of all the hypotheses in this book, this approaches most nearly perhaps to a true sociological law (Riker 1982: 754). Another argument put forward in favour of the first-past-the-post system is that it is easy to understand. As we have seen, the system is very simple in nature and it means that the candidate with the most votes wins. Such a concept is readily grasped by the electorate and it is fo r this reason that Norris argues, majoritarian systems are the oldest electoral system, dating back at least to the 12th Century, and also the simplest (Norris 1997: 298). Let us now turn to assess the arguments against the first-past-the-post system. Critics of the FPTP system argue that the system undermines the legitimacy of elected representatives, because MPs can be elected on the basis of minimal amounts of public support. The Electoral Reform Society shows, for example, that in 2005, George Galloway polled the votes of only 18.4 per cent of his constituents, yet ended up in the House of Commons (Electoral Reform Society). This lack of legitimacy is put into further focus when one considers that only three MPs elected in 2005 secured the votes of more than 40 per cent of their constituents (Electoral Reform Society). This lack of public legitimacy carries with it two fundamental problems. Firstly, it allows for the election of governments with minimal public support and in some cases such governments can have radical agendas that are at odds with the majority of public opinion. In Britain, in the 1980s, the first past the post system came to be i dentified with the re-election, twice, on a minority (barely more than 40%) of the popular vote, of a parliamentary majority used contentiously for the introduction of radical policy changes (Criddle 1992: 108). The second problem with the FPTP system is that it wastes an astonishing number of votes. Due to the fact that the only votes that count are those that lead to the election of the winning candidate and due to the fact that the winning candidate almost always polls below 40% of the total vote, this means that a majority of the total vote is actually wasted. These votes count for nothing and in 2005, 70 per cent of votes were wasted in this way thats over 19 million ballots (Electoral Reform Society). It could, therefore, be argued that the first-past-the-post system has led to unaccountability amongst governments, because political leaders are aware of the fact that they do not need an actual majority of over 50% to govern effectively. This can in turn lead to voter apathy a nd lower turnouts, further fuelling a downward spiral of electoral legitimacy. It has also been argued that FPTP restricts voter choice, because the preponderance of the two-party system leads to a situation in which the dominant two parties marginalize the smaller parties in the system. Norris shows that this is not an unintended consequence of the FPTP system, indeed it is engineered precisely in order to achieve this result and thus goes to the very heart of the first-past-the-post system. Its aim is to penalise minor parties, especially those whose support is spatially dispersed. In winner take all, the leading party boosts its legislative base, while the trailing parties get meagre rewards. The focus is effective governance, not representation of all minority views (Norris 1997: 299). The Liberals and Liberal Democrats have suffered particularly under the FPTP system and it is not surprising that they are the most enthusiastic proponents of proportional representation. However, Lijphart shows that electoral reform in this direction is unlikely because the dominant two parties have too much to gain from the status quo. Because plurality has greatly benefited the Conservatives and Labour, these two major parties have remained committed to the old disproportional method (Lijphart 1999: 15). The situation is even more desperate for new political parties, which stand little chance of succeeding under the current UK electoral system. Lucardie argues that a first-past-the-post electoral system offers few political opportunities to new parties, unless they cater to particular regional interests (Lucardie 2000: 182). Voter choice is, therefore, restricted because in many cases there is simply no point in voting for smaller parties, because the huge majorities of larger parties are virtually impossible to overturn. Chapter 3 The proposals on the table In this chapter we will begin by assessing the extent to which these problems create voter apathy and low turnouts in UK general elections. As we have already seen, majoritarian systems such as first-past-the-post encourage a two-party system and single-party governments. The expectation amongst voters that the electoral system will produce such an outcome has a clear and direct effect on their voting behaviour, especially in instances where no change of government is anticipated. The 2001 UK general election is a clear example of voter apathy and low turnout caused, at least to some extent, by the FPTP system. Harris points out that the turnout for the 2001 general election in Britain was the lowest ever after full adult suffrage (Harris 2005: 2). The first-past-the-post electoral system had a direct impact upon the election in 2001, because Labour was able to use the system in order to continue to dominate the UK political system despite the fact that support for the party and for the government had decreased. The extent of the electoral victory in 1997 was a key factor influencing the 2001 election. In 1997, the Labour Party achieved an electoral landslide, gifting it a Commons majority of 179, the largest in the partys history on 44.4 per cent of the votes cast (Chadwick 2003: 49). Due to the fact that the margin of victory for the Labour Party was so enormous in 1997, the electoral system had in-built advantages for the continued dominance of the Labour Party in future elections. The mechanisms of the first-past-the-post electoral system allowed the Labour Party to lose votes without losing seats (Harris 2005: 7). The FPTP system had the effect of producing an election result that was highly biased in favour of Labour and whilst that may have been good news for New Labour whether it is good for the health of Britains democracy is a far more debatable point (Harris 2005: 7). The nature of the electoral system meant that many people felt it pointless to go o ut and vote, because there was effectively no way of displacing the enormous Labour majority in place since 1997. This meant that turnout plummeted from 71.5% to 59.4% and four out of ten voters stayed at home (Norris 2001: 569) and according to the Electoral Commission this was surely the single most important aspect of the 2001 general election (Electoral Commission 2001: vii). It can be argued, therefore, that the first-past-the-post system directly led to voter apathy and low turnout in the 2001 election. Let us now move on to consider some of the proposals on the table for reform of the electoral system. The government has recently put a proposal before MPs in order to amend the electoral system and move it from a first-past-the-post to an alternative vote (AV) system. The government has received the backing of MPs to put a referendum on the alternative vote system before the general public in the form of a referendum in the autumn of 2011. Under an alternative vote electoral system, voters would mark the candidates on the ballot paper in order of preference instead of simply placing a cross next to their preferred candidate, as is currently the case under the FPTP system. This means that voters would place a 1 next to their first choice candidate, a 2 next to their second choice candidate and so on. If a candidate received more than 50% of the vote they would be elected in exactly the same way as the under the present system, but if a candidate received less than 50% then the second choice preferences would be redistributed and this process would be repeated until one candidate ascertains an absolute majority. However, despite the fact that the alternative vote system is different from the FPTP system, AV similarly falls under the category of majoritarian electoral systems. Prime Minister Gordon Brown advocated this reform on the basis that it offers the electorate more choice and gives candidates a stronger mandate whilst simultaneously retaining the link between an MP and their constituency. In short it offers a system where the British people can, if they so choose, be more confident that their MP truly represents them, while at the same time remaining directly accountable to them (BBC 2010). The Liberal Democrats, renown as keen supporters of electoral reform have labelled the alternative vote system as a small step in the right direction, but the most minimal change a Labour government could devise (Huhne 2010). Critics of the AV system argue that there is little difference between the alternative vote and first-past-the-post and indeed claim that AV often manages to undermine the electoral system further than FPTP. For example, in Australia the alternative vote system in place stipulates that voters must express a preference for every single candidate on the ballot paper. Theoretically, this should serve to give voters more choice and accountability and therefore increase voter turnout, but the reality of this system in operation can produce very different results. In Australia, it has opened the door for party machines to produce how to vote cards, which direct voters on how exactly to complete their preferences. Arguably it diminishes the whole point of preferential voting if the order of preferences is pretty much determined in advance by party strategists (Farrell 2001: 66). However, the most damning indictment of the AV system is that it does not deal with the problem of wasted votes. When Brown advocated the AV system it was on the basis that it offers voters greater choice and makes MPs more accountable, but the evidence from Australia suggests that there is little difference between the alterative vote and FPTP. There is still a large number of wasted votes under the Australian system: 49.7% of those who voted in the Hinkler division in 1998 did not support the winning candidate (Farrell 2001: 66). It is clear, therefore, that under the alternative vote system a large proportion of voters remain unrepresented and that it offers only minimal change when compared to the first-past-the-post system. Advocates of electoral reform argue that the electorate can only be given more choice and accountability if the UK electoral system is fundamentally reformed. Such reformers call for electoral systems to be based upon proportional representation (PR). Systems of proportional representation focus upon ensuring that the percentage of votes match the number of seats in any given election and, as we have seen, this is in total contrast to the disproportionate number of seats obtained by large parties under majoritarian systems. Therefore, if a party receives 20% of the share of the vote, they will receive 20% of the seats. Pitkin claims that it may be argued that the fundamental principle of proportional representation is the attempt to secure a representative assembly reflecting with more or less mathematical exactness the various divisions in the electorate' (Pitkin 1984: 61). The Single Transferable Vote (STV) is regarded as the most suitable reform to the UK electoral system. Under t his system, each constituency would elect a certain number of MPs depending on its size, usually between 3 and 5 MPs. Voters would rank candidates in the same manner as under the alterative vote system, but the critical difference between the two systems is that under the STV system if the first choice candidate does not need the vote, either because they have already won or has too few votes to win, then that vote is transferred to the second choice candidate of the voter and so on. This means that votes are almost always used positively in order to directly elect candidates and as a result far fewer votes are wasted. As Karp points out, where the outcome of an election is determined by proportional representation, rational voters are free to cast a sincere vote without fear of it being wasted (Karp 2002: 3). There are many arguments put forward in favour of reforming the UK electoral system to one based upon proportional representation (Electoral Reform Society). As we have seen with both AV and FPTP one perennial criticism is that both systems waste an enormous number of votes. The Single Transferable Vote wastes far fewer votes and this means that under STV candidates are far more accountable to their constituents, because they have been directly elected by the support of their voters. This means that most voters can identity a representative that they personally helped to elect. Such a link in turn increases a representatives accountability (Electoral Reform Society). It has also been noted above that the current UK electoral system places too much power in the hands of political parties, whereas under the STV system candidates need to be far more responsive to the electorate rather than to their party machines. As Horowitz points out, it is generally thought that electoral systems wh ich limit the power of central party leaders to choose candidates produce more responsive representatives (Horowitz 2003: 117). Advocates of proportional systems such as STV argue, therefore, that electoral reform would increase the accountability of candidates. In addition to this, they also argue that the STV system would offer the electorate more choice. Hallett argues that under the STV system the voter is saved from any worry about wasting his vote. His preferential vote is insurance against that. He can safely vote his real order of choice and therefore, voting will always be worthwhile (Hallett 1984: 119-120). Commons agrees with this assessment stating that, proportional representation promises, above all, the independence of the voter, and freedom from the rule of the party machine (Commons 2009: 143). Grofman analyses electoral patterns in Japan and Korea and concludes that STV systems offer voters greater choice and that such systems make possible ballot splitting to expr ess highly differentiated preferences (Grofman 1999: 1). All of these arguments about an expansion of voter choice agree on one key point, that the increase in voter choice would instil the belief amongst voters that their decision at the ballot box matters and makes a real difference. It increases competition amongst candidates, abolishes the necessity of tactical voting and abolishes the notion of safe seats. The increased accountability and voter choice has been shown to directly increase voter turnout in other countries. A study of voter turnout for 509 elections in 20 countries by Blais showed that voter turnout is 8% higher in proportional representation systems than in single-member plurality systems such as FPTP (Loenen 1997: 184). Another study undertaken by Lortie showed an increase in voter turnout of 11.4% (Loenen 1997: 184). Blais also points to evidence from several studies on advanced democracies and post-Communist countries to conclude that turnout is higher in proportional representation systems (Blais 2006: 113-114). It s eems clear therefore from the evidence of other countries that if UK general elections were reformed on the basis of the STV system voter turnout would increase and tactical voting would diminish. In addition to this, Lijphart points to evidence from PR elections to the Australian senate to show that the single-transferable vote in Australia, as in other countries increases the strength of smaller parties by changing the two-party into one of multi-partism. PR is generally associated with a change from two-party to multi-party systems or an increase in multi-partism. Australian Senate elections show a very clear trend toward multi-partism (Lijphart 1999: 319). He shows that the Australian elections before 1980 had produced two party-systems but that since 1980, the system has been more like a two-party-and-a-half party system (with between 2.40 and 2.68 effective parties) (Lijphart 1999: 319-320). There is also evidence that the European countries that changed from plurality to proportional representation changed from a two-party system to a multiple-party system (Riker 1982: 758). Even within the context of European elections within the UK the use of PR systems has shown a clear increase in the number of small parties gaining support. Whenever voters exercise their choices in proportional systems of voting they assign significant support to at least six parties, as in the 2004 European election when electors in the median British region supported 5.3 effective parties (Dunleavy 2005: 503). A report on the 2005 election by the Electoral Reform Society shows that if the 2005 election had been held along the lines of the STV system the results would have been radically different. The number of Labour seats would have decreased by 92 seats, the Conservatives would have gained 2 seats but the Liberal Democrats would have almost tripled their number of seats, gaining 85 extra seats in the House of Commons. There would also have been small increases for almost every other small party, such as the Green party, which would have gained 1 seat and the SNP, which would have gained 3 seats (Electoral Reform Society). It is clear, therefore that proportional systems produce a larger share of votes for smaller political parties, but this development is not seen as universally positive. Whilst those in favour of PR argue that giving small parties a larger share of the vote is fairer, Norton argues that it is not necessarily fairer to transfer disproportionate political power from the largest single party to the smallest political parties. Creating a system that facilitates a king-making role for the third party, for example, is not demonstrably a fair thing to do (Norton 1997: 86). However, despite these objections such a system is surely preferable to one in which small parties are marginalized to such an extent that they cannot realistically wield any effective power . We have seen that a preponderance of small parties offers the electorate more choice and that this is a factor that clearly increases voter turnout. It is for these reasons that a number of pressure groups and political parties have been calling for reform of the UK electoral system at general elections. The Electoral Reform Society represents people that believe passionately in reforming the electoral system and it seeks to influence the general public via measures such as lobbying politicians, publishing books and leaflets and via high-profile media campaigns. It has four stated aims, which are to ensure all votes have equal value, give effective representation to all significant points of view within the electorate, allow electors to vote for their preferred candidates without fear of wasting their votes and to ensure the accountability of individual representatives to their electorates (Electoral Reform Society). Another important pressure group is Unlock Democracy. This group is also in favour of switching to an electoral system based upon proportional representation and it calls for fair, open and honest elections, rights, freedoms and a written constitution, a stronger parliament and accountable government, bringing power closer to the people and a culture of informed political interest and responsibility (Unlock Democracy). Unlock Democracy is entirely owned by its members and similarly to the Electoral Reform Society seeks to provide an outlet for people passionate about electoral reform to campaign in the UK. The most important political party calling for reform along the lines of proportional representation in the UK is the Liberal Democrat Party. The Liberal Democrats have over 60 seats in the House of Commons and are the third largest party in the UK political system and are therefore the most powerful force in favour of proportional representation and the STV system. As Chris Huhne, the Shadow Home Secretary states only the Single Transferable Vote in multi-member seats would abolish MPs meal tickets for life, and we will fight to amend this proposal (to an AV system) to give people a real cho ice for a more significant change (Liberal Democrats). During the recent vote concerning a move towards the alternative vote system the Liberal Democrats put forward an amendment to hold a referendum earlier and on a different voting system, namely the Single Transferable Vote but this was amendment was defeated by 476 to 69 MPs. Chapter 4 Is reform ever going to happen? In this chapter we will examine whether the goal of electoral reform will ever realistically be put into practice. The reform of the UK electoral system to the alternative vote system is highly likely to come into practice for a number of reasons. Firstly, the bill, although it has not yet been made into law, has been approved by a majority of MPs in the House of Commons and a pledge has been made to bring the question of switching to the alternative vote to the general public in a referendum in the autumn of 2011. It was the size of the Commons majority more than any other factor that makes it likely that the AV voting system will become reality. As the Independent pointed out, Gordon Browns plan to hold a referendum next year on scrapping the first-past-the-post system for elections for Westminster won a convincing majority (Independent 2010). In addition to this, the fact that public opinion is largely in favour of electoral reform and the fact that AV is an improvement upon first -past-the-post make it highly likely that there will be a yes vote in the referendum. This will be a victory for the government, which believes that only a set of minor changes is needed in order to improve upon the present system, but that the present system should remain more or less intact. However, it is far less likely that the more broad and sweeping reforms advocated by various pressure groups and the Liberal Democrats will come into for

Characters in Shakespeares Hamlet Essay -- William Shakespeare

Shakespeare has always had the gift of creating characters each with their own unique facets that, in combination, make for a play full of multi-dimensional characters. In the case of Shakespeare’s perhaps most famous play Hamlet, a more prominent role is held by the defining traits of each of the more important characters. When looked at from a more in-depth perspective one would find that many of these traits are revealed through an inference inherent to their speech. In Hamlet’s case his most eloquent dialogue shows his analytical mind, but also poses a question over Hamlet’s confidence: with circumstances of precarious matter, does he lack the confidence to be decisive, procrastinating, and knowingly so, with the important decisions required of him, or is it simply that this time is spent reasoning things to their most full extent so that his course of action proves to be the correct one. With respect to Claudius there is an extreme confidence in his cunning and deceitful craft as he often speaks with a willful hypocrisy. Also, it will be shown that Claudius has a dominantly selfish personality, manipulating people in order to use them to achieve his own ends. And, lastly, Gertrude, who possesses an enigmatic persona, is one who makes difficult the task of interpreting her motives and mindset with any real certainty. Hamlet, a man with much intelligence, proves himself to be both logical and analytical. However, as he has sometimes revealed throughout the play, he procrastinates with what can seem to be over-analysis where the politics of the situation prove to be rather delicate, and yet when he is dealing with relatively inconsequential matters he can show as much confidence as Laertes. Through the readers’ eyes it is oft... ...ference and interpretation of each character’s manner and style of speaking. In the play Hamlet, much was learned simply by reading between each line of dialogue, and giving each line perhaps a few seconds more thought than is usual. Shakespeare filled each of his works with brilliant nuances that made necessary giving each word of each line further consideration, but what was most intriguing about this play in particular was that the reader was not only able to gain insight into the minds its characters, but also the mind of Shakespeare himself. It leaves much food for thought when one ceases to take things at face value, but instead delves into the numerous and immensely profound layers of meaning that have reinforced the words of Shakespeare for hundreds of years and for hundreds more to come. Works Cited Shakespear, William. Hamlet. Don Mills HBJ, 2009

Elections, Political Parties, and Civil Society in Authoritarian Regimes Essay

Within many Authoritarian Regimes, the conditions are very similar and the political participation becomes severely limited. The following essay will attempt to briefly capture a few key characteristics of two countries in terms of elections, political parties, and the role of civil societies within the state. The two countries that I will be discussing are Iran and China. First of all, after reading page 80-81 in our Comparative Politics textbook written by Carol Ann Drogus and Stephen Orvis, it soon became clear to me that Authoritarian Regime structuring has a heavy political saliency in terms of elections, political parties, and the role of civil societies. It seems that if elections even manage to exist in an authoritarian regime, they do not determine who holds the majority of power in the state. For example, on page 80, the textbook discusses how 1906 a new democratic state within Iran was created in order to provide a real legislature with elections. This democracy was soon polarized, and the central state has limited sovereignty over the other provinces and was able to control most economic profit and most of the military power. Although elections were ushered into Iran’s political system, they had little influence on the government itself. On page 81, the textbook discusses how a left-wing prime minister named Mohammad Mosaddeq was elected in 1951, but due the primary regime’s influence and power, they overthrew this elected prime minister because he did not support their interests. This example shows that even if an election determines something within an Authoritarian Regime, this determination may not last for very long or may not have any power in the first place. An elected official such as Mosaddeq can be overthrown at any point if the people that truly hold the power within a state decide too. This brings me to the next topic of political parties. Within the country of China, it is clear to me that the political system of the Authoritarian Regime has created an extremely powerful political party with little to no opposition. Elections have almost no affect and are just a disguise for the Chinese Communist Party to make the real decisions affecting their country, especially in terms of the economy. As discussed on page 86, after a series of wars ended, the Communist Party of China soon created a Soviet-style command economy with a huge bureaucracy that controlled most of the society. This society is interesting because as time went by, more and more economic freedoms were created, but political freedoms became increasingly denied. It is ironic that one can live in China and possess private property, but when it comes to the decisions governing that person’s society and economic policy, that same individual will have zero rights whatsoever. The book also discusses how these socio-political conditions have created a sense of political uncertainty and fear. This brings me to my final topic of civil society. It is a huge risk for citizens within an Authoritarian Regime to form organized and nonviolent groups in pursuit of political reform. Citizens tend to fear the consequences of their actions and punishment from their government, and when they do attempt to reform, it tends to end up violent. For example, many protests within China in the past century have ended in massive bloodshed or violence. I do not recall ever hearing of a widely successful nonviolent civil society causing politically salient changes within an Authoritarian Regime. I believe that I have never heard of such a thing because civil societies do not have much impact on a society that is restricted by an Authoritarian Regime’s influence and political/economic desires.

Analysis Of Religious Cults Essays - Cults, Pejoratives, Free Essays

Analysis Of Religious Cults Essays - Cults, Pejoratives, Free Essays Analysis of Religious Cults There are many types of cults in the world, cults are everywhere but you just do not see them. Every person in the world has been in contact with them in one way or another in many cases you cannot see them. The closest cult we know of is on Rice Lake called the Moonies led by Reverend Myung, where I have currently visited. Cults can be involved in churches and even are earliest religions are called cults. Cults are not the strongest groups' sects are the strongest group. When you join a sect you cannot get out of them but a cult you can leave without having any problem or commitment. Sects will not let you out because many times it's illegal and they are afraid that you will say something to the public. Cults sometimes are illegal to. Religious cults are in every town and village there is no definition of a cult that is accepted by sociologists and psychologist or religion many types of activities will take cult like structures, an example would be any popular trend like physical exercise this is called the physical fitness cult. Famous athletes are a big figure when it comes to cults, many times Movie stars, professional athletes will endorse a product and a trend will start, making it turn into a cult. Also people who generate beliefs of something like flying saucer, aliens or any unknown figures can be cult. In religion when people call a church they are referring to a sacred organization having a highly structured or formalized dogma and hierarchy, but also allowing a bit of flexibility about membership requirements allowing you to go to a church and leave church when you want to. Although sects are against church attempts to accommodate to secular society. Sects believe that they are protecting a true faith or belief. Sects tend to stay away from world events , and also they believe in a strong strict behavioral code and demand a commitment out of their people. The differences between cults and sects are sometimes the same. Many scholars do not make distinctions between the two. Cults are different because they do not expect as much commitment. Many times' cults do not expect couples to become apart. Cults do not last as long as sects. Many times' cults survive through a decade, and also cults allow you to come and go as you want. Leaders of cults build around a charismatic leader who has a lifestyle dedicated to a specific spirituality group that they know other people will follow. The word Mormonism began as a small cult then grew bigger until it became a sect and eventually into a church. All the new religions followed the same thing by beginning small and getting bigger than becoming a church. Cults go back as far as we know of life, cults began to get bigger and be known throughout the world in the late 1960?s and early 70?s as people were better educated and better understood how they were formed and how they were run and people began to join. During this time Youths and middle class people began to join cults because of the in thing to do and they felt more secure about themselves. Cults really started to fascinate people when Jimmy Jones cult began in November of 1978 when all attention was focused on the mass suicide in Jonestown, a similar event happened in 1993 when federal agents engaged in a shoot out with cult leader David Koresh. Modern cults have many different practices and many different ways of leadership. Some cults have a flexible functional leadership, like the groups in the charismatic movement coming from the mainland Christian religion, other cults have people who run and orchestrate cult events, like Reverend Myung Moon leader of the unification church. The reason people are attracted to modern cults because it puts emphasis on community and on direct experience with the divine. In cults' participants often find a level of social support and acceptance that they do not find in a nuclear family. This makes and generates a sense of belonging to something profound and a feel of being

MD Program Step-by-Step Guide

How to Get Into a BS/MD Program Step-by-Step Guide SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips Is your goal to become a doctor? Do you want to put yourself on a fast track to medical school and making your dream a reality? If so, you may want to consider applying for a BS/MD program. In this article, I'll explain what theseprograms are and go overexactly how to get into a BS/MD program, so that you can be one step closer to your dream of becoming a doctor. What Is a BS/MD Program? A BS/MD program offers you admission to medical school if you meet certain minimum requirements while you’re in college or applying to colleges. You can apply for a BS/MD program as a high school student during the regular college application process. Additionally, there are BS/MD programs you can apply to as an underclassman in college. Most people begin applying to med school the summer between their junior and senior years of college, so BS/MD programscan let you know you've been accepted to med school years before many of your peers find out. Much of the information in this article is geared towards current high school students who are considering applying to programs that admit first-year students, but some of the advice and information also applies to current college students who are contemplating entering a BS/MD program. Typically, for BS/MD programs, you have to maintain a 3.5 GPA while in college, and many programs still require you to take the MCAT, the medical school entrance exam. However, assuming you meet the minimum requirements, you’ll be guaranteed admission to the medical school that’s associated with your BS/MD program. Usually, it takes at least eight years to finish your undergraduate and medical school programs, but sometimes, you can do so in six or seven through a BS/MD program. Upon completion of the program, you’ll have a Bachelor of Science and a Doctor of Medicine degrees. Requirements for Getting Into a BS/MD Program Getting into a BS/MD program is extremely difficult. Each program has different requirements, but, in all cases, you need a high GPA and stellar standardized test scores.The requirements are usually much stricter than those for other undergraduate applicants. The University of Missouri-Kansas City's BS/MD program has a minimum unweighted GPA requirement of 3.0, one of the lowest for a BS/MD program. However, the average unweighted high school GPA for an admitted student to the program is a 3.80. The minimum ACT score is a 24, but the average for admitted students is a 31. The minimum SAT score is 1090, but the average score for an admitted student is 1380. So, even if the bare minimum that a BS/MD program requires isn't that competitive, expect to need stellar academics if you want to actually get acceptedbecause the competition will be tough. Also, for most BS/MD programs, you have to write a personal statement, get recommendations, and do an interview. Additionally, you’ll be evaluated on your extracurricular activities. These programs want to see that you’ve demonstrated leadership and achievement; furthermore, they like to see involvement in extracurriculars related to health and medicine. Here’s a chart with the minimum GPA and standardized test requirements for some BS/MD programs to give you an idea of what you need to be eligible for most of these programs. Keep in mind that you’ll probably need to comfortably exceed the minimum requirements to give yourself a decent shot at getting into these programs. School GPA SAT ACT SAT Subject Tests University of Alabama at Birmingham 3.5 1340 30 Not Required Baylor University 3.7 or top 5% 1400 32 Not Required University of Cincinnati No minimum requirement 1300 29 Not Required Drexel University 3.5 1360 31 Not Required Florida Atlantic University 4.3 weighted 1450 33 Recommended University of Miami 3.75 1400 32 600 in Math and one Science (Biology, Chemistry, or Physics) The College of New Jersey/New Jersey Medical School 4.5 weighted or top 5% 1500 35 Not Required Rutgers University Top 10% 1400 32 Not Required Saint Louis University No C's 1330 30 Not Required While the table should give you an idea of the minimum requirements of different BS/MD programs, as mentioned above, you’ll likely have to do substantially better to have a reasonable chance of getting accepted. To give yourself a good chance of getting into a BS/MD program, you should shoot for at least a 3.8 unweighted GPA and either a 1500 SAT score or a 34 composite ACT score. Basically, getting into a BS/MD program is on par with getting admitted to the most selective colleges in the country. Dom Sagolla/Flickr How to Get Into a BS/MD Program: Application Components Now I’ll focus on each component of your BS/MD program application and offer advice and tips to make yourself as competitive for these programs as possible. Your GPA and Classes Your high school transcript is probably the most important component in determining whether or not you gain admission to a BS/MD program. First, your goal should be to get as close to a 4.0 GPA as possible. Also, you should make sure to excel in the most rigorous math and science classes offered at your school. Because pre-med programs and medical school are very science intensive, you want to show that you’re extremely capable of doing well in demanding science classes. Depending on what classes your school offers, you should plan on taking at least two of these three classes: AP Biology, AP Chemistry, and AP Physics. Your Standardized Tests Again, you need exceptional SAT/ACT scores to make yourself competitive for admission. You should follow our tips to get a perfect SAT or ACT score. We recommend taking the SAT/ACT for the first time by the fall of your junior year. If you don’t reach your target score, you can retake the test in the spring, and, hopefully, you won’t have to worry about it during your senior year when you’ll be busy with school, extracurricular activities, and college applications. Know how long you’ll have to study to reach your target score. Remember that you want to get at least a 1500 on the SAT or a 34 on the ACT to give yourself a good chance to get into a BS/MD program. Also, many programs require SAT Subject Tests. I recommend taking your SAT Subject Tests in the spring of your junior year. Some schools have guidelines on what subject tests you must take, but even if there are no specific subject requirements, you're probably going to want to take a math and science SAT Subject Test. If you're doing well in high-level math and science classes, you shouldn't have much trouble with the SAT Subject Tests, assuming you spend a little time to familiarize yourself with the tests. If you take the tests in subjects you excel at, you should do very well. Your Extracurricular Activities BS/MD programs want to admit students who have exceptional achievements both in and out of the classroom. Your commitment to your extracurricular activities demonstrates your willingness to do more than what’s required and your initiative to actively pursue your passions. Because BS/MD programs are looking for students who are passionate about pursuing a career in medicine, you should have at least a couple of extracurriculars related to your interest in the medical field. You may want to volunteer at a hospital, shadow a doctor, help a professor with medical research, or get involved with a summer medical program. Extracurriculars are a great way to separate yourself from other applicants who have similar grades and test scores. You'll enhance your applications and gain valuable experience by pursuing leadership positions, conducting research, and participating in otheractivities that show your potential and achievement in the medical field. Your College Essay Your college essay or personal statement is another critical component of your college application. The essay gives the school an opportunity to get to know you outside of your grades and accomplishments. It can give you a chance to explain any unique obstacles you’ve had to overcome or express why you’re motivated to become a doctor. College essays can be challenging and time-consuming. Learn what you need to know about college essays and how to come up with great essay ideas. I recommend starting to work on your college essays the summer before your senior year or at the beginning of your senior year at the latest. The essays aren’t very long, but you want to give yourself ample time to write and revise your college essays. I've worked with hundreds of students who procrastinated on their college essays, and they ended up not having enough time to produce their best work. In a few years, you too could be sporting a stethoscope. Your Recommendations While your college essay allows a school to get to know you from your own perspective, your recommendations help a college get to know you from another person's perspective. Most BS/MD programs will require recommendations from your teachers. Ideally, at least one of your recommendations will come from a science teacher who can speak glowingly about your science skills, character, and desire to learn. Make sure you know what a good recommendation looks like and how to ask for a letter of recommendation. You can initially ask teachers if they would be willing to write you a letter of recommendation at the end of your junior year. That will give them time to think about what they’re going to write, and you can get them to agree to write a recommendation for you before they become inundated with requests during your senior year. Then, you can submit a formal request at the beginning of your senior year. For your reference, here are examples of excellent recommendation letters. Your Interview Many BS/MD programs do have an interview requirement. I know interviews can be scary, but with some basic preparation, the interview should only enhance your application. Because these programs are so selective, they try to take every necessary step to ensure they admit the best applicants. Be ready to answer why you're interested in that particular program and why you want to become a doctor. Avoid generic answers that could be given by any applicant; incorporating anecdotes and specific examples will strengthen your interview responses. Don’t worry about the interview too much. By the time you interview, you’ll have completed most of the hard work needed to apply to a BS/MD program. As long as you’re respectful, you’ve done your research on the program, and you thoughtfully answer the questions you’re asked, you should be just fine. Is a BS/MD Program Right for You? At this point, you may be wondering if you want to do what’s necessary to get into a BS/MD program. These programs aren’t ideal for everyone, but they're excellent options for certain types of students. If you have your heart set on becoming a doctor, a BS/MD program will set you on a direct path toward becoming one. You won’t have to deal with the stress of applying to medical school, and you’ll possibly be able to finish medical school in less time. However, a BS/MD program may not be the best option for you if you’re not completely sure that you want to be a doctor. In fact, most of my friends who started college intending to pursue medical school ended up changing their plans. Furthermore, many of the most selective and prestigious colleges and medical schools aren’t connected with BS/MD programs. If you want to attend a top college or medical school that isn’t associated with a BS/MD program, then perhaps you should just make yourself competitive for admission to Ivy League schools and not worry about BS/MD programs. Schools like Harvard and Stanford don’t have BS/MD programs, but the vast majority of their pre-med students get into medical school. In 2012, 93% of Harvard pre-med students with at least a 3.5 GPA were admitted to medical school. Finally, BS/MD programs tend to be demanding, and the workload can be very rigorous, especially if you're in a 6 or 7-year program. Make sure you're capable of doing the work that will be required, and more importantly, make sure you really want to do the work. What's Next? If you think you want to enter a BS/MD program, you really should have a high GPA and excellent test scores to give yourself the best chance of getting into the program of your choice. Learn helpful test prep strategies if you have a low SAT/ACT score but a high GPA. Also, understand the secret to getting a perfect SAT/ACT score. Finally, regardless of whether or not you end up deciding to apply to BS/MD programs, you should know how many colleges to apply to. Want to improve your SAT score by 160 points or your ACT score by 4 points?We've written a guide for each test about the top 5 strategies you must be using to have a shot at improving your score. Download it for free now:

Immigration Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Immigration Law - Essay Example It was a state of peace, goodwill, preservation and mutual assistance. In this state of nature, people had all the rights which the nature could provide. The provision of these rights is justified by the fact that in the state of nature, the human natural condition was a state of complete and perfect liberty that was able to conduct a person’s life in a way that one could see best fits. The other theoretical model of state is the state as a provider of identity. In this theory, a person is mainly identified by state he or she comes from. Despite the plethora of human identification, very little attention has been paid when it comes to identification of foreigners in a given state. Given the present globalization and internationalization of human movement, the inflow of foreigners into states has remained too high.1 In the modern times, nationalism is one of the main social and political problems. Nationalism mainly involves imposing culture in a society which replaces most multiculturalism, local and low cultures. The origin of nationalism regards the transformation of a society from a social structure and agrarian based economy to one which is mainly centered on industrialism. A society before industrialism was vertically bound and about 80 percent of its population made up of peasant farmers. There were strict boundaries between communities and between classes. With these separate communities being bound under the ‘state’, they do not share a common language, myths, memories, ancestry or religion. Peasant were born as farmers and still died as farmers with no chances of social advancement or economic mobility due to lack of standardized education. As a result, these communities totally did not wish to impose their culture or language to the neighboring communities. Nationalism strives for ethnicity or one culture under the same roof or ‘state’. The mentioned is the most successful

Philosophy Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 1

Philosophy Paper - Essay Example ually ‘irrelevant’ to the real world today given the fact that it involves defying the governing laws and being ready to face the penalty that are set by these same laws. This proves to be a contradictory, shallow, and an ineffective means of achieving both political and social objectives as compared to radical attack. This paper will argue on the facts against using civil disobedience in achieving either effective revolution or a conventional political action. A revolution and conventional political action are generally movements that are in open disobedience to the laws of the governing system. However, when the defenders of these movements resort to civil disobedience, it proves fear and not being ready to achieve their objectives, as it is a feeble and weak option. This is because the defenders will try to achieve their objectives and contrarily, still strive to maintain their friendship with the governing body, which is an unsure way of winning a revolution. According to Storing (89), Malcolm X was equally against nonviolence resistance arguing that ‘there’s no such thing as nonviolent revolution†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ and explaining that ‘revolution is bloody, revolution is hostile, revolution knows no compromise, revolution overturns and destroys everything that gets in its wayâ €™. Malcolm X categorically continued stating that revolution is not a compromising game for negotiations, but rather it can go to the extreme point requiring bloodshed (Storing 90). Thus in the dependence on civil disobedience, the revolutionists are merely ‘begging’ the corrupt system or society to accept them into them, which are not the basic principles in winning a revolution or any other political movement. The paper considers civil movement as portrayed in the Negro movement to point out the facts that renders it an ineffective revolutionary method. Martin Luther King clearly understood that civil disobedience is the open, nonviolent disobedience of the law and showing the